The clash between Berlusconi and Fini, exploded during un'infuocata National Directorate of the PDL is the result of a series of ill-concealed antipathies and conflicts that have hatched in the ashes in recent years, emerging from time to time the surface. A stage, probably not the epilogue, as are certain dynamics in evolution and, today, it is difficult to say where will the PDL and its current (incidentally, there is only one Finian ...).
For years, relations between Fini and Berlusconi were not idyllic. The situation is familiar to most people. Fini, eternal dolphin Hopes for a lifetime of succession to the Knight, always promised and never realizzatasi. The longevity of human Arcore policy has frustrated the aspirations of the other, waiting to make that quantum leap that would enable him to uncover the role of the eternal unfinished.
In recent months, things got worse and worse. Fini has started to prepare an original thought, gradually moving away from both the old policy of the National Alliance as the new one from the PDL and increasingly closer to the other leaders who are recognized in the European People's Party. He has taken courageous positions on issues of bioethics, claiming an address of the secular government and the revision bill dell'illiberale Calabrò sul testamento biologico. Ha sfidato la linea di maggioranza sull'immigrazione, che tanta popolarità ha guadagnato a PdL e Lega Nord, sostenendo la necessità di accettare la realtà di un'Italia multietnica e chiedendo di rivedere i tempi per l'acquisizione della cittadinanza e le norme che lui stesso, anni addietro, aveva contribuito a scrivere.
Nel frattempo, però, ha anche compiuto scelte politiche tattiche. Pur essendosi ritagliato nel partito l'inusuale carica di cofondatore, ha preferito rimanere fuori dal governo e assumere una la terza carica dello stato. Questa scelta, però, probabilmente dettata dalla continua ansia di legittimazione che caratterizza ancora oggi molti esponenti del vecchio MSI, non si è rivelata troppo sighted. Fini has found himself relegated to the role of institutions, in practice, the league's hands, when in the spring of 2008 would have been entitled, without any problems, to become deputy prime minister.
Cut off from the heart of the debate and policy decisions, we have seen in a short climb over the other big current that points to collect the remnants of Berlusconi, the tremontianleghista. The League has been strengthened numerically election after election, up to a few weeks ago, to winning two major regions of the north. Drunk with success, the leaders of the Northern League have started shooting more and more requests to capitalize on their big moment. Tremonti has made with the League a iron axis, has embraced a line of anti-fashion in times of crisis, and has followed the league in a left shift of the votes and proposals. This power group has offered a Berlusconi weakened by scandal and processes in return for stability and has earned carte blanche.
into a corner by the League and Tremonti, who took over the reins of government and decided they have taken the unfortunate track of socialism as usual, Fini has belatedly tried to regroup. He began scientifically to distance itself from Berlusconi on almost all issues on the agenda, making sure always appeared in the titles or subtitles of newspapers. The Century of Italy and the web magazine of the Foundation Making the Future are now megaphones militarization of the Speaker of the House. In the latter, in particular, Filippo Rossi has put every day to respond to critics of Fini, only to become single-subject and write every day Victor Felts. Fini has finally set up another think tank, Italy Building, in its intentions, should serve to bring concrete ideas in the political debate.
Former Alliance leader raised the issue of democracy inside the sacrosanct PDL. He, who had convened in the history aennina (in addition to the founding and dissolution) one in which Congress was the only candidate who had cleared and the charges within a half day after the colonels had been caught in his criticism, was scagliato contro il cesarismo berlusconiano. Al di là della credibilità dell'accusatore sul punto, il PdL appare, effettivamente un partito caratterizzato dalla scarsa o nulla democraticità interna – peraltro nella squallida media dei partiti italiani – dove gli organi direttivi fungono sì e no da soprammobili.
Infine Fini ha organizzato intorno a sé un gruppo di sostenitori, riunendo onorevoli e studiosi, mettendo insieme un po' tutti quelli cui non andava troppo a genio il dominio del Cavaliere. E proprio questo è, forse, il limite maggiore dei finiani. Non lo scarso seguito popolare, presunte conversioni a sinistra o progetti di inciuci neocentristi. Si tratta, invece, di un gruppo troppo eterogeneo, dove convive everything and its opposite. This project has attracted liberals as Benedetto Della Vedova and claimed as a trade unionist Renata Polverini, champion of corporate socialism. Here we
, hoping to be wrong, that many positions Finian are instrumental to its draft internal enlargement. In some cases, has drawn a clear line, in others it contradicts itself. Fini wants to count more in the PDL and in Italian politics. The aspiration, in itself, it is also legitimate. That it may be credible, however, must be supplemented with something more. Speaker of the House should change its role and its message.
First, it must abandon its institutional role. Is proving to be the president della Camera più attivo politicamente della seconda repubblica, tradendo una prassi ormai consolidata. Se, poi, vuole ergersi ufficialmente rapprentante della minoranza interna del PdL, è anche giusto se sia ancora rappresentativo della maggioranza che lo ha eletto a quella carica. Ha poco senso citare modelli d'oltreoceano . Nancy Pelosi, negli Stati Uniti, svolge un ruolo politico e partigiano, ma è anche leader della rappresentanza del suo partito alla Camera. Fini può e deve condurre personalmente e meglio le proprie battaglie, con le mani libere e facendo politica attiva. Non può limitarsi ad appaltarle ai più esagitati dei suoi sostenitori, che anche quando si dimettono riescono a dare di sé l'immagine di chi organizza palace conspiracies. Then
must focus on the key issue to the Italian political class should address: the economy. The problems are known to all, except to the parties. Italy grows little or nothing and the only indicators to register are always a plus taxes and debt. In the famous National Leadership, Fini has made some interesting proposals, such as the retirement age review. Among his supporters circulate proposals shared and the fact is that as Finian Ronchi Baldassarri or have offered in recent months and a liberalization of public services against financial statist less than that of Tremonti. The chairman of the House, however, ha una storia personale fatta di opposizione ai tagli di tasse e di sostegno a una maggiore spesa pubblica, oltre che una certa ignoranza in materia economica. Se vuole essere credibile, oltre che distinguersi sulle celebrazioni dei 150 anni dell'Unità d'Italia e su "Meno male che Silvio c'è", aggredisca con decisione il tema che è (dovrebbe essere) la stessa ragione sociale del centrodestra: la riforma fiscale.
Proponga le due aliquote, una decisa riduzione della pressione fiscale e una semplificazione degli obblighi contributivi, se ne è in grado. Non si trinceri, come ha fatto in una recente intervista a Sky , dietro la crociata populista contro i mulini a vento dell'evasione fiscale. Non dica «paghiamo tutti to pay less, "but" we pay less to pay for all. " The topic is popular as well as important. If Fini will provide an overview of organic matter and serious and concrete proposals, the government will put up against the wall and may, perhaps, lost ground in recent years, he and the country. Otherwise, the Liberal coverage of his battles will melt like snow in the sun and these small steps will be remembered as a dirty war of seats.
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