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Frattini

L ' interview released yesterday to the press by Foreign Minister Frattini says a lot of foreign policy orientation of the Berlusconi government. In the period 2001-2006 was characterized by a center-right ideological rhetoric and pro-American Prime Minister, also focusing on the direct and personal relationship with Bush and Putin had tried to make Italy the bridge link between the U.S. and Russia. Distrust, largely reciprocated, for the European Union is bound to need to look elsewhere for legitimacy and a role at international level. The culmination of that strategy were agreements at Pratica di Mare and the game stood until the eagle held the relationship between American and the Russian bear. The personal friendship with President Texan enables the rider to make the rounds in Washington tolerate waltz with the uncomfortable ally Russia and the profession of Americans, accompanied by the Italian participation in missions in Afghanistan and Iraq, had enabled Finmeccanica to get rich contracts Stars and Stripes. After the brief intermission
Prodi and his momentary sense realignment in europe, the center has returned to government in April last year, impressing with its policy Foreign markedly realistic approach. Now, in fact, have become priority objectives of energy security and our country's attention has been directed toward two major suppliers like Russia and Libya. By the first was signed a historic treaty of friendship as discussed, at least for a while terminating the litigation in exchange for the opening of colonial exploitation wells Libyans by Eni (plus boundary with good intentions in terms of containment ' illegal immigration). In the second, however, the approach has gone through the mediating position taken by Italy in the Russian-Georgian conflict (already a source of friction with Cheney in the final months of office Bush), and more recentemente, per l'adesione italiana al progetto del gasdotto South Stream.
La crisi economica, il cambiamento degli scenari globali, l'avvicendamento alla Casa Bianca hanno spinto il governo Berlusconi a definire, in maniera più stringente che in passato, gli interessi nazionali prioritari. L'impostazione realista della nostra politica estera si legge tra le righe in tutta l'intervista rilascita da Frattini.
È riconosciuta la priorità del teatro afghano, ma non si parla di nuovi soldati da inviare in Medio Oriente: come contributo al surge di Obama, Frattini si limita a prospettare il prolungamento della permanenza dei soldati attualmente dispiegati. Prolungamento, comunque, subordinato al risultato delle elezioni (For which, among other things, is wisely set a goal not in terms of turnout, but the uniformity of the latter).
The minister must not escape as did Russians 25 years ago, but to stabilize the situation it is necessary to deal with the Taliban linked to Al Qaeda and Iran, which also is for Italy an important trading partner.
Frattini, finally, defends the choice of Italian divert their investments in the South Stream gas pipeline and its strategic alliance with Moscow, which is grown in recent years by the governments of the center-right and center.
mean a renewed sense of realpolitik statocentrica, a policy of hands-free unit veiled by some concessions NATO and the good relations Atlantic. Several things are changing in the world and our foreign policy seems groped to adapt.
Meanwhile, in Afghanistan, is pleased to welcome a new election which takes place in those hours despite Taliban threats. It is hoped that what today is another step on the long road towards democracy in a land where Western values \u200b\u200bare terribly difficult to succeed. And they seem destined to toil in the future.

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But as cages, need more freedom

university, work, campaign and holidays the last few months have been rather slow to Mithrandir. Let's try to lose a bit 'of attendance to follow this little virtual space.

You know, run a lot of things on the internet, in newspapers and on TV, but some make you want to throw down two lines at once. This is the case of the cages wage Soviet Agostini found the Northern League. Taking advantage of the climate parasol, and season best suited to excel in which populist fire, Calderoli & co. launched the idea of \u200b\u200blinking pay the cost of living that exists locally. To swell the payroll beyond the Po, of course.

The trouble, though, is that this time, unlike the case for fiction to be subtitled in Bergamo and regional flags, the Northern League has gone well behind Berlusconi. Unless late and clumsy denials .

Now, one might say that even if life in the South is cheaper, in fact there is already a differentiation of wages that, in fact, is detrimental to the southern compared to the cost of living differential. Beyond the facts, however, the idea seems wrong. The road would lead to wire cages salary and wage inflation, creating many small escalators and risks triggering an inflationary spiral.

Try to give the country a federal system is all well and good, but only if federalism is used as a lever to empower local authorities to a virtuous management of public affairs. So you bring up a thousand little centralisms , intended to trace all the defects dell'elefantiaca state machine. Let

wages are determined freely in the market, maybe a bit 'lightweight dall'asfissiante tax wedge. It would, if anything, to further promote the wise second-level bargaining, agreements to relocate in the direction of individual companies and entities is not yet public premises but still.

If you really want to find un parametro a cui ancorare i salari, perché non scegliere la produttività? Diamo più soldi ai più bravi, a prescindere dal dialetto che parlano e dalle fiction che guardano in tv. E affermiamo un modello contrattuale finalmente meritocratico.

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Two yes and no

Quando un paio d'anni fa si iniziò a parlare del referendum elettorale Guzzetta-Segni, esprimemmo non pochi dubbi al riguardo. Un sistema elettorale, sostenevamo, deve consolidare un sistema dei partiti e non stravolgerlo. Non spetta all'ingegneria elettorale produrre rivoluzioni partitiche e non avremmo consegnato la maggioranza dei seggi parlamentari a due partiti col 24 e il 17% (all'epoca, Forza Italia e i DS). Scrivemmo che prima si sarebbe dovuto creare un tendenziale bipartitismo e, poi, una legge elettorale in grado di consolidarlo.
Per le stesse ragioni, oggi ci troviamo a votare sì, in maniera convinta. Non abbiamo cambiato idea noi, è cambiato il sistema dei partiti. Nonostante l'attuale legge elettorale tenda a premiare (e lo ha fatto nel 2006) coalizioni melting pot , abbassando la soglia di sbarramento per chi si ammucchia, l'anno scorso si è presentato agli elettori un quadro ampiamente semplificato della politica italiana.
Non c'entrano le porcate legislative. Si è trattato di una scelta coraggiosa dei due attori principali della politica italiana. A sinistra, per cercare di mettere fine a quella grande anomalia italiana dell'unico totally reliant socialist party in Europe, has given rise to the Democratic Party, and decided, then, in view of the elections, to select allies. With questionable criteria, perhaps, given the political outcome, but always in the interests of clarity.
On the far right of Italian politics, Berlusconi and Fini have responded, trying not to be outdone and not to appear as worn Passat. They have been a spurt in the process of forming the People of Freedom, putting together an electoral cartel to be submitted to the polls in a hurry and betting on its potential to become one big party. They then cut off the extreme right and center, to reduce and simplify the coalition.
The choices of the PD and PDL today deserve to be rewarded, by voting yes to the first two referendum questions to eliminate the power of blackmail noisy minority that are siphoning government golden share. The embryo of bipartisanship in the country, is now a fact.
Still not convinced, however, the third question of the referendum. It is commendable the intention to eliminate the malpractice of the Italic multiple applications, which recognizes the current and the enslavement within the parties, however, deceiving voters. The groom in full for all candidates except for one, or rather two. Candidates of both major parties for president of the Council. The role of leaders in all regions now covered by an applicant is one of the premier small achievements along the path of constitutional reform in the material sense of the presidential elections. Until, however, that these innovations are in fact not be sealed, in the formal economy, the expectation of direct elections of the Prime Minister, do not feel to vote yes here as well. Not just the name on the symbol to mark the card. What is often not expressed in parties and candidates for Prime Minister, sometimes in the same coalition are several names on the card read.
Vale, however, worth going to vote for this referendum, even to demonstrate maturity and awareness of the Italian electorate, as well as to reward the bipartisanship and penalize small parties.
Unfortunately, we will not be sufficient to achieve the hoped for. A quorum is not reached, but at least we can say we have tried it.

Hottest One Piece Character

The contagion of protectionism

Swine Fever nourishes already another: the spread of protectionism. China, Russia, Ukraine took advantage of that to prohibit the import of pork from Mexico and some U.S. states. That meat is not dangerous, the spiral of protectionism.

Federico Rampino, Republic, April 29, 2009